“Yes,” the general said, listening.

“The basic purpose of Operation Dandelion,” Mr. Baynes said, “is an enormous nuclear attack on the Home Islands, without advance warning of any kind.” He was silent then.

“With purpose of wiping out Royal Family, Home Defense Army, most of Imperial Navy, civil population, industries, resources,” General Tedeki said. “Leaving overseas possessions for absorption by the Reich.”

Mr. Baynes said nothing.

The general said, “What else?”

Mr. Baynes seemed at a loss.

“The date, sir,” the general said.

“All changed,” Mr. Baynes said. “Due to the death of M. Bormann. At least, I presume. I am not in contact with the Abwehr now.”

Presently the general said, “Go on, Herr Wegener.”

“What we recommend is that the Japanese Government enter into the Reich’s domestic situation. Or at least, that was what I came here to recommend. Certain groups in the Reich favor Operation Dandelion; certain others do not. It was hoped that those opposing it could come to power upon the death of Chancellor Bormann.”

“But while you were here,” the general said, “Herr Bormann died and the political situation took its own solution. Doctor Goebbels is now Reichs Chancellor. The upheaval is over.” He paused. “How does that faction view Operation Dandelion?”

Mr. Baynes said, “Doctor Goebbels is an advocate of Dandelion.”

Unnoticed by them, Mr. Tagomi closed his eyes.

“Who stands opposed?” General Tedeki asked.

Mr. Baynes’ voice came to Mr. Tagomi. “SS General Heydrich.”

“I am taken by surprise,” General Tedeki said. “I am dubious. Is this legitimate information or only a viewpoint which you and your colleagues hold?”

Mr. Baynes said, “Administration of the East—that is, the area now held by Japan—would be by the Foreign Office. Rosenberg’s people, working directly with the Chancery. This was a bitterly disputed issue in many sessions between the principals last year. I have photostats of notes made. The police demanded authority but were turned down. They are to manage the space colonization, Mars, Luna, Venus. That’s to be their domain. Once this division of authority was settled, the police put all their weight behind the space program and against Dandelion.”

“Rivalry,” General Tedeki said. “One group played against another. By the Leader. So he is never challenged.”

“True,” Mr. Baynes said. “That is why I was sent here, to plead for your intervention. It would still be possible to intervene; the situation is still fluid. It will be months before Doctor Goebbels can consolidate his position. He will have to break the police, possibly have Heydrich and other top SS and SD leaders executed. Once that is done—”

“We are to give support to the Sicherheitsdienst?” General Tedeki interrupted. “The most malignant portion of German society?”

Mr. Baynes said, “That is right.”

“The Emperor,” General Tedeki said, “would never tolerate that policy. He regards the Reichs elite corps, wherever the black uniform is worn, the death’s head, the Castle System—all, to him, is evil.”

Evil, Mr. Tagomi thought. Yes, it is. Are we to assist it in gaining power, in order to save our lives? Is that the paradox of our earthly situation?

I cannot face this dilemma, Mr. Tagomi said to himself. That man should have to act in such moral ambiguity. There is no Way in this; all is muddled. All chaos of light and dark, shadow and substance.

“The Wehrmacht,” Mr. Baynes said, “the military, is sole possessor in the Reich of the hydrogen bomb. Where the blackshirts have used it, they have done so only under Army supervision. The Chancery under Bormann never allowed any nuclear armament to go to the police. In Operation Dandelion, all will be carried out by OKW. The Army High Command.”

“I am aware of that,” General Tedeki said.

“The moral practices of the black shirts exceed in ferocity that of the Wehrmacht. But their power is less. We should reflect solely on reality, on actual power. Not on ethical intentions.”

“Yes, we must be realists,” Mr. Tagomi said aloud.

Both Mr. Baynes and General Tedeki glanced at him.

To Mr. Baynes the general said, “What specifically do you suggest? That we establish contact with the SD here in the Pacific States? Directly negotiate with—I do not know who is SD chief here. Some repellent character, I imagine.”

“The local SD knows nothing,” Mr. Baynes said. “Their chief here, Bruno Kruez vom Meere, is an old-time Partei hack. Em Altparteigenosse. An imbecile. No one in Berlin would think of telling him anything; he merely carries out routine assignments.”

“What, then?” The general sounded angry. “The consul, here, or the Reichs Ambassador in Tokyo?”

This talk will fail, Mr. Tagomi thought. No matter what is at stake. We cannot enter the monstrous schizophrenic morass of Nazi internecine intrigue; our minds cannot adapt.

“It must be handled delicately,” Mr. Baynes said. “Through a series of intermediaries. Someone close to Heydrich who is stationed outside of the Reich, in a neutral country. Or someone who travels back and forth between Tokyo and Berlin.”

“Do you have someone in mind?”

“The Italian Foreign Minister, Count Ciano. An intelligent, reliable, very brave man, completely devoted to international understanding. However—his contact with the SD apparatus is nonexistent. But he might work through someone else in Germany, economic interests such as the Krupps or through General Speidel or possibly even through Waffen-SS personages. The Waffen-SS is less fanatic, more in the mainstream of German society.”

“Your establishment, the Abwehr—it would be futile to attempt to reach Heydrich through you.”

“The blackshirts utterly revile us. They’ve been trying for twenty years to get Partei approval for liquidating us in toto.”

“Aren’t you in excessive personal danger from them?” General Tedeki said. “They are active here on the Pacific Coast, I understand.”

“Active but inept,” Mr. Baynes said. “The Foreign Office man, Reiss, is skillful, but opposed to the SD.” He shrugged.

General Tedeki said, “I would like your photostats. To turn over to my government. Any material you have pertaining to these discussions in Germany. And—” He pondered. “Proof. Of objective nature.”

“Certainly,” Mr. Baynes said. He reached into his coat and took out a flat silver cigarette case. “You will find each cigarette to be a hollow container for microfilm.” He passed the case to General Tedeki.

“What about the case itself?” the general said; examining it. “It seems too valuable an object to give away.” He started to remove the cigarettes from it.

Smiling, Mr. Baynes said, “The case, too.”

“Thank you.” Also smiling, the general put the case away in his topcoat pocket.

The desk intercom buzzed. Mr. Tagomi pressed the button.

Mr. Ramsey’s voice came: “Sir, there is a group of SD men in the downstairs lobby; they are attempting to take over the building. The Times guards are scuffling with them.” In the distance, noise of a siren; outside the building from the street below Mr. Tagomi’s window. “Army MPs are on the way, plus San Francisco Kempeitai.”

“Thank you, Mr. Ramsey,” Mr. Tagomi said. “You have done an honorable thing, to report placidly.” Mr. Baynes and General Tedeki were listening, both rigid. “Sirs,” Mr. Tagomi said to them, “we will no doubt kill the SD thugs before they reach this floor.” To Mr. Ramsey he said, “Turn off the power to the elevators.”

“Yes, Mr. Tagomi.” Mr. Ramsey broke the connection.

Mr. Tagomi said, “We will wait.” He opened his desk drawer and lifted out a teakwood box; unlocking it, he brought forth a perfectly preserved U.S. 1860 Civil War Colt .44, a treasured collector’s item. Taking out a box of loose powder, ball and cap ammunition, he began loading the revolver. Mr. Baynes and General Tedeki watched wide-eyed.