For the first forty years of Mossad's existence the agency had been cloaked in secrecy, so much so that the various directors general were unknown to all but the prime minister and his or her cabinet. Times had changed though, and in the nineties Mossad became a victim of Israel's increasingly partisan and volatile politics. The agency's anonymity was stripped away and the office of the director general became one of the hottest seats in the government. Ben Freidman's name was regularly printed in the papers and his picture was shown frequently on television. Any terrorist with half a brain could pick him out of a crowd and blow his head off.

The purges that Mossad underwent in the nineties had taught Freidman to be leery of all politicians. His allegiance was to his country and Mossad. The prime minister, and the rest of the squabbling politicians, could take a backseat. They had nearly destroyed the most effective spy agency in the world with their incessant desire to meddle. From 1951 to 1990, only six different directors general ran Mossad, but during the political bloodletting of the nineties four men had held the post. The lack of any sustained leadership had disastrous effects on recruiting and the morale of Mossad's employees. Despite all of this, when Ben Freidman was named to the post by the current prime minister he had gladly taken the job.

Freidman understood something his four predecessors didn't. To run the world's most effective spy agency you had to act like a dictator, not a politician. And to be a dictator you had to have power. Freidman had spent a fair amount of time in America over the years and had worked closely with the CIA in a mutual effort to battle terrorism. He learned that the CIA had been forced to adapt far earlier than Mossad had to the political game. Washington was a much more political town, and the media in the U. S. was absolutely unwieldy compared to the rags in Israel. Thomas Stansfield had shown Freidman how to get results in a supercharged political environment.

Stansfield made it very clear that his agency was not interested in politics. The first thing he did was develop assets outside the normal channels so he could act without the politicians on the Hill knowing what he was up to, and then he began to use the Agency's mounds of information against any politician who tried to make political hay out of the CIA. Most of the politicians in Washington understood that the CIA had a dirty job to do and they steered clear, but there was always a handful of opportunists who were looking to advance their own careers, or their party or both. Stansfield focused on building dossiers on the ones who were really aggressive, an dover a period of years he performed admirably at keeping the wolves at bay.

Freidman had learned that the politicians in Israel were no different. The ones who were looking to ascend to upper levels of government all had something that they were currently involved in, or something from their past, that they wanted kept quiet. Freidman collected that information into a tidy insurance policy that helped to keep the prime minister and the opposition parties quiet. With his flanks protected, he could go about the real business of his job, which was waging war against the terrorists who had sworn to push Israel into the sea.

it was midmorning in downtown Tel Aviv, and as was almost always the case, the sun was out and the temperature was a comfortable eighty one degrees. Both pedestrian and motor traffic were moderate. Moving fast, the limousine approached the prime minister's office building. The driver radioed ahead to say they were on their way in. The security guards out front expertly scanned the street for any signs of an ambush, and then radioed the car to say it was clear. When the armored car came around the block the heavy barrier to the underground parking garage was down and four intense-looking individuals armed with Uzi submachine guns were fanned out to secure the area.

The Mercedes zipped into the garage and the heavy spring-loaded barricade popped up almost instantly. This was life in Israel and none of the men who had just participated in the brief exercise gave it a second thought. They had all been raised on the front line. They had been taught from the earliest of ages to never pick something up in public that was just left lying around, to be very suspicious of strangers and call the police at the slightest sign of something out of the ordinary. Their enemy walked among them, and a day never passed where they didn't think of it. To let one's guard down was to invite death and become one of the thousands of casualties that had been racked up since the birth of the tiny country.

Freidman stepped from the back of the car leaving his specially made metal briefcase with his men. He was wearing light-colored slacks and a loose fitting, short-sleeved, tan dress shirt. The shirt was, of course, untucked, and his pistol was firmly secured in his belt holster at the small of his back. Two security officers escorted him into the elevator and took him up to the prime minister's suite. Freidman spoke to no one as he walked through the outer office and into the secure windowless conference room. He sat in one of the chairs and drummed his thick fingers on the shiny wood surface.

A moment later David Goldberg entered the room and sat. The former army general was a no-nonsense hard-ass. Heavyset and set in his ways, he was the head of the conservative Likud Party. Despite holding just nineteen seats in the 120-member Knesset, Goldberg had been elected by the overwhelming majority of the Israeli people. They had grown tired of the ever-increasing concessions made by the Labor Party in their dealings with Yasser Arafat. Goldberg had been swept into office on a wave of national unity and given a charter to put the bloodthirsty Palestinians in their place. This was a campaign promise he intended to keep, and Goldberg was smart enough to know he couldn't fulfill it without the aid of Ben Freidman.

Goldberg had a mane of thin white hair, which framed a tan face and heavy jowls. Physically he shared many of Winston Churchill's characteristics. He was a large man, but not muscular. If anyone bothered to look under his clothes they were apt to discover a body like a pudgy baby's. Some might perceive this as a weakness, but those who understood Goldberg knew better. The man had a biting temper, and the balls of a bull. He had distinguished himself on the battlefield during theyom Kippur War and had never forgotten the despicable sneak attack by Israel's Arab neighbors on one of the holiest days of the Jewish year.

Israeli governments had changed frequently over the last two decades, racking up one failed peace accord after another. And when each gambit for Palestinian and Israeli harmony failed, and the blood began to flow, the country turned to Goldberg's party for guidance. Like Churchill, his country had no use for him unless things were dire.

Goldberg smoothed his tie and let his hand rest on his belly. Leaning back he asked, "So tell me how things went with the Americans?"

Freidman had refused to call Goldberg after his meeting with the President. Knowing all too well the capabilities of the NSA, he had opted to deliver his news in person. "It got off to a slow start, but I think our goal will be achieved."

Goldberg liked President Hayes's tough record on terrorism, but was suspicious of the man. In the year that he'd been in office he'd made it quite clear that he would not be pushed around by the American Jewish lobby. Goldberg understood better than most that Israel's ace in the hole had always been their fellow Jews in America. "Why the slow start?"

"I don't think President Hayes liked the fact that it was me and not you making the call."

"Surely he understands why I didn't call him." "Like I said, after I told them what we've discovered, his attitude changed."