That brought a fresh wave of applause. Bruck's calculations had been pretty good during the Congressional elections of 1914. That made Flora think she could place some confidence in them now.
"Roosevelt repudiated!" somebody shouted. Somebody else let out a real war whoop, almost a Rebel yell.
"It's not enough," Flora said, and, being almost a congresswoman, got instant attention from everyone. "It's not enough," she repeated. "If the people had wanted to repudiate TR, to repudiate him properly, I mean, they would have elected Debs. And another couple of senators and another handful of congressmen-"
"And congresswomen!" Maria Tresca broke in.
"-Aren't enough to matter," Flora went on, as if her friend hadn't spoken. "The Democrats still have a big majority in both houses. TR can jam any bill he likes right down the country's throat, and we can't stop him. There aren't enough progressive Democrats to join us in a united front and keep him out of mischief. We've done something this year-a little something. When 1918 comes, we have to do much more."
She got some applause for that impromptu speech. She also got some thoughtful silence, which struck her as even more important. The Socialist Party had some notion of the shape of this election now. They had to look ahead, to see where they could go next.
A phone rang. Herman Bruck answered it. He waved for quiet, which meant he was getting fresh returns. After he wrote them down, he shot a fist into the air in triumph. "Miller, 8,211," he announced. "Hamburger, 10,625. He'll never come back from that."
Sarah Hamburger had been sitting, watching election night with interest but without much visible concern. Now, though, deliberately and with great dignity, she got up, walked over to her daughter, and embraced her. Tears ran down the older woman's cheeks, and the younger one's as well.
A few minutes later, the telephone rang again. Again, Herman Bruck answered it. After a moment, he waved, put a finger to his lips. Then he waved again, this time for Flora. "It's Daniel Miller," he said.
Silence fell in the offices as Flora walked over to the telephone. She took the earpiece from Herman and leaned close to the mouthpiece. "Hello?"
The Democratic appointee to Congress sighed in her ear. "I'm calling to congratulate you, Miss Hamburger," he said. "The latest returns do seem to show that you have won this seat. That being so, I don't see much point in wasting everyone's time by not admitting the obvious."
"Thank you very much, Congressman Miller," she said. He was being gracious; she would return the favor. All around her, the Party workers started cheering once more, understanding why Miller had to be calling.
She tried waving them to silence, as Herman Bruck had done. It didn't work. Now that they'd gained what they worked so long and hard to accomplish, they weren't going to be quiet for anybody, not even their own candidate. Hearing the racket, Daniel Miller managed a chuckle. "Enjoy it, Miss Hamburger," he said. "I wish it were mine. If there's anything I can do to help you in the next couple of months, I'm sure you know how to reach me. Good night." He hung up.
"He's conceded," Flora said, also setting the earpiece back on the hook. She didn't think any of her colleagues heard her. It didn't matter. They already knew. So did she. She was going to Congress.
The best thing-Lieutenant Colonel Irving Morrell sometimes thought it was the only good thing-about getting back to General Staff headquarters was the maps. Nowhere else in all the world could he get a better idea of how the war as a whole was going. Looking at them, one after another, he thought it was going pretty well. War Department cartographers had already amended national boundaries on the maps to show Kentucky as one of the United States.
Captain John Abell came into the map room. Morrell nodded to him. That Abell still was a captain filled Morrell with a sense that there might be justice in the world after all, no matter how well life attempted to conceal it.
"Good morning, Lieutenant Colonel Morrell," Abell said-coolly, as he said everything coolly. That Morrell was now a lieutenant colonel seemed to fill him with a sense that there was no justice in the world.
"Morning," Morrell agreed. The use of such polite formulas let even men who didn't care for each other find something safe to say, and no doubt often kept them from going after each other with knives. Morrell didn't need to look very hard to find something else safe: "With TR on the job for another four years, we'll have the chance to make these end up looking the way they should." He waved to the maps.
"So we will," Abell said. "Debs would have been a disaster."
"This is already a disaster," Morrell said. Abell looked at him as if he'd suddenly started speaking Turkish. To the General Staff officer who'd spent the whole war in Philadelphia, the conflict was a matter of orders and telegrams and lines on maps, nothing more. Having almost lost a leg himself, having seen men bleed and heard them scream, Morrell conceived of it in rather more intimate terms. He went on, "It would be an even worse disaster if we dropped it in the middle, though. Then we'd just have to pick it up again in five years, or ten, or fifteen at the most."
"There is, no doubt, some truth in that." Abell sounded relieved, at least to the degree he ever sounded much like anything. "We have the tools, and we can finish the job."
"Hope so, anyhow," Morrell said. "The Canadians are in a bad way, and that's a fact. If we knock them out of the war, that will let us pull forces south and give it to the CSA with both barrels."
"If the Canadians had any sense, they would have long since seen they were fighting out of their weight." Abell scowled at the situation maps of Ontario and Quebec. "They're as irrational as the Belgians."
Morrell shrugged. "They're patriots, same as we are. If the Belgians had rolled over, our German friends would long since have got to Paris. If the Canadians had rolled over, we wouldn't just be in Richmond-we'd be in Charleston and Montgomery by now."
"I believe you're right about that, sir." A light kindled in Abell's pale eyes. "We may get there yet, in spite of everything."
"Yes," Morrell said, and the word sounded…hungry. "We've owed the Rebs for a long time, and now, maybe, we can finally pay them back."
Abell smiled. So did Morrell. They distrusted each other, being as different as two men could be while both wearing the uniform of the United States. But no matter how different they were, they shared the U.S. loathing for the Confederate States of America.
"Two generations of humiliation," Abell said dreamily. "Two generations of those drawling bastards telling us what to do, and giving us orders out of the barrel of a gun. Two generations of their hiding behind England's skirts, and France's, knowing we couldn't fight them and their friends all at the same time. We tried it once, and it didn't work. But we have friends of our own now, so the Confederates have to try to take us on by themselves this time, and it's turning out to be a harder job."
Morrell walked over to the map that showed how things stood on the Maryland front. The cartographers had left on the map the Confederate advance to the Susquehanna, as if it were the high-water mark of a flood. And so, in a way, it had been-if the Rebs had got to the Delaware instead, the war would look a lot different now.
But that high-water mark was not what had drawn Morrell's attention. These days, western Maryland was cleared of the invaders. One day soon, U.S. forces would cross the Potomac and carry the war into the Confederate States. Fortunes changed, and so did the enemy's responses. Thoughtfully, he said, "I wonder how much trouble their nigger troops are going to cause."