And there were larger considerations, to do with the health of the aerospace industry, which Michaels was able to point to. A new, big aerospace initiative would give the economy a massive — if inflationary — boost. And, for the benefit of the politicians, he played on a suspicion dating back to the 1950s that of all the services, the USAF was the most out of political control when it came to space. The service had campaigned from the beginning to be given its own space program, independently of whatever NASA got up to; and in recent years, it was felt, USAF insistence had damagingly distorted the goals of the Skylab project. Besides, a manned Mars mission coupled with the new military work could be attractive in PR terms: the U.S. is not afraid to defend itself, but it is still rich and strong enough to dream of other worlds…

So a new, focused civilian space program — rich in new technology, but lying outside the reach of the DoD, in particular the USAF — could be presented as politically attractive.

And so the arguments went on, orchestrated by Michaels and Josephson, who gathered the forces of national policy around themselves to shape the program the way they wanted it; until, at last, it all spiraled into realms of economic theory and political infighting that left Joe Muldoon, a mere moonwalker, stranded on the ground.

Late in the process, Michaels and his staff, including Muldoon, were summoned to a meeting at the White House with DoD and Bureau of the Budget delegations to discuss NASA’s proposals. And then Reagan himself called a meeting of Cabinet members, and NASA, BoB, DoD, and MIT officials.

Michaels was obviously exhausted, but Muldoon could see he did his best to bring his remaining energies to bear on the Cabinet Room meeting. He knew he had almost won the argument, but this final hurdle still had to be crossed.

Reagan asked surprisingly sharp questions on wider aspects of the proposal. It seemed to Muldoon that he was seeking to pick out some element of it which he could deploy to his own advantage — just as had Kennedy two decades earlier. And Michaels was trying to work to Reagan’s expectations; he implied that, just as with Kennedy, Reagan would find a big space initiative helpful with congressional power brokers, and he could use it to build up support for other plans…

But Reagan balked anew at the cost, and he and his staff began to scour through the program, picking away elements of it.

Muldoon was forced to watch, helpless, as in the rooms of the White House his careful test and development program was cut to the bone, all talk of Venus-orbit missions and Mars bases was dropped, and the three Mars flights were reduced — incredibly — to just a single shot.

And as the meeting developed, Muldoon became aware of another undercurrent. NASA had screwed up royally over the Apollo-N thing; still, Reagan was offering to endorse a new, huge program. But there was going to be a price to pay. And the head of Bert Seger and some internal reorganization at NASA weren’t going to be enough.

Muldoon came to see, quite clearly, the act of repentance that would be expected if NASA was to be cleansed.

Michaels compiled a final report for Reagan, setting the agenda for the new mission and laying out a program to obtain House and Senate approval.

When it was done, he refused to leave the document with aides. Instead, he walked the document himself into the Oval Office, and, shaking with fatigue, handed it to Reagan in person.

There was a note of resignation stapled to the cover.

…Our great goal is to build on America’s pioneer spirit, and to develop new frontiers. A sparkling economy spurs initiatives, sunrise industries, and makes older ones more competitive.

Nowhere is this more important than our next frontier, space. Nowhere do we so effectively demonstrate our technological leadership and ability to make life better on Earth. The Space Age is barely a quarter of a century old. But we’ve already pushed civilization forward with our advances in science and technology. Opportunities and jobs will multiply as we cross new thresholds of knowledge and reach deeper into the unknown.

Our progress in space — taking giant steps for all mankind — is a tribute to American teamwork and excellence. Our finest minds in government, industry, and academia have all pulled together. And we can be proud to say: we are first, we are the best, and we are so because we’re free.

America has always been greatest when we dared to be great. We can reach for greatness again. We can follow our dreams to distant stars, living and working in space for peaceful, economic, and scientific gain.

My advisors are developing an overall National Space Policy which I will outline in full later in the year. This policy will establish basic goals for the U.S. space program, which will include: to strengthen the security of the United States, maintain United States space leadership, expand United States private sector investment and involvement in civil space and space-related activities, and to promote international cooperative activities in the national interest. As we look to the future, we must begin to secure leadership in space through the end of the century and beyond. The way to do that is to set a fruitful new direction for the space program, one which will make the best use of our present capabilities, in chemical rocket technology and our ability to live and work for long periods in space. And the time to do it is now.

Tonight, against the background of the forthcoming space policy, I am directing NASA to proceed with the preparation of a manned mission to Mars, and to do it within five years. Such a mission will permit quantum leaps in our research in science and communications, and our understanding of the nature of our universe.

Just as the oceans opened up a new world for clipper ships and Yankee traders, space holds enormous potential for commerce today…

Source: Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Ronald Reagan, 1981 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1981), p.362.

Michaels called Tim Josephson into his office. He had loosened his tie and broken open a fresh bottle of his favorite Kentucky bourbon. But there was little mood of celebration, as the two of them sat there sipping their drinks in the half-light; Michaels seemed more exhausted than Josephson had ever seen him.

Josephson raised his glass. “Here’s to you, Fred. You’ve done one hell of a job, these last few weeks.”

Michaels drank. “Yeah. Yeah, so I have. Well, we’ve gotten our announcement out of Reagan. And when I go, I’ll take most of the blame for Apollo-N with me, away from NASA.”

“Fred—”

“That’s my job now, Tim,” Michaels said, his voice harder. “My last assignment. It’s the way these things work. But the biggest job lies ahead, still. Delivering this thing.” He eyed Josephson. “And that’s going to be a job you’ll have to handle yourself, Tim. I’ve already made my recommendation to the White House.”

Josephson had been expecting this, but still, panic spurted briefly in him. “I’m — delighted by your faith in me, Fred. But, am I the right guy? Hell, I’m a backroom boy. A functionary; a natural follower.”

“Jesus Christ, don’t you think I know that?” Michaels snapped. “But I also know there’s no better candidate available. You’re just going to have to overcome your weaknesses, Tim. You’ll get there if you work at it.”

Josephson hid a smile behind his glass. “Thanks, Fred. Hell, I’m going to miss you.”

“And I want you to lean on Muldoon. Use him. The two of you should make a hell of a team.”