Bret suppressed a temptation to say that in too many such situations the Russians had devoured the bait so that the Department had reeled in an empty hook. Everything indicated that the Russians knew more about turning agents than their enemies did about running them. 'But a woman…' said Bret to remind the D-G of his other reservation.

'An extraordinary woman, a brilliant and beautiful woman,' said the D-G.

'Enter Miss X.' Bret's feelings were bruised by the D-G's stubborn reluctance to provide more details of this candidate. He'd expected to be having a say in the final selection process.

'Mrs X, to be precise.'

'All the more reason that the Russkies will not want her over there. It's a male-dominated society and the KGB is the last place we'll ever see change.'

'I'm not sure I agree with you there, Bret.' The D-G permitted himself a little grin. 'They are changing their ways. So are we all, I suppose.' He couldn't hide the regret in his voice. 'But my feeling is that we'll gain from their old-fashioned entrenched attitudes. They will never suspect that we would try to plant a woman into the Committee.'

'No. I guess you're right, Sir Henry.' It was Bret's turn to wonder. He liked the way the old man's mind worked. There were people who said the D-G was past it – and the D-G sometimes seemed to go to great lengths to encourage that misreading – but Bret knew from first-hand experience that, for the overall strategy, the old man had an acute mind that was tortuous and sometimes devious. That was why Bret had taken his idea about 'getting a man into the Kremlin' to Sir Henry in person.

The old man leaned forward. The polite preliminaries, like the evening itself, were coming to an end. Now they were talking as man and master. 'We both know the dangers and difficulties of working with doubles, Bret. The Department is littered with the dead bodies of people who have misread their minds.'

'It goes with the job,' said Bret. 'As the years go by, a double agent finds it more and more difficult to be sure which side he's committed to.'

'They forget which side is which,' said the D-G feelingly. He reached forward for a chocolate-covered mint and unwrapped it carefully. It was the very devil trying to do without a cigar after dinner. 'That's why someone has to hold their hand, and get inside their head, and keep them politically motivated. We learned that from the Russians, Bret, and I'm sure it's right.'

'But it was never my idea to become the case officer,' said Bret. 'I have no experience.' He said it casually, without the emphasis that would have been there had he been determined not to take on this new task the D-G was giving him. That softening of attitude was not lost upon the D-G. That was the first hurdle.

'I could give you a million reasons why we don't want an experienced case officer on this job.'

'Yes,' said Bret. The sight of a known case officer in regular contact with an agent would ring every alarm bell in the KGB.

But the D-G did not put that argument. He said, 'I'm talking about an agent whose position and opportunity may be unique. So this is a job for someone very senior, Bret. Someone who knows the whole picture, someone whose judgement I can trust completely.' He put the mint in his mouth and screwed the wrapper up very tight before placing it in the ashtray.

'Well, I don't know if I fit that picture, Sir Henry,' said Bret, awkwardly adopting the role that Englishmen are expected to assume when such compliments are paid.

'Yes, Bret. You fit it very well,' said the old man. 'Tell me, Bret, what do you see as our most serious shortcomings?'

'Shortcomings? Of the British? Of the Department?' Bret didn't want to answer any questions of that sort and his face showed it.

'You're too damned polite to say, of course. But a fellow less inhibited than you, speaking recently of British shortcomings, told me that we British worship amateurism without having intuitive Yankee know-how; result disaster.'

Bret said nothing.

Sir Henry went on, 'Whatever the truth of that assessment, I am determined that this operation is going to be one hundred per cent professional, and it's going to have the benefit of that "can do" improvisation for which your countrymen are noted.' He raised his hand in caution. 'I will still need to go through the details of your plan. There are a number of points you raise that are somewhat contentious. But you realize that, of course.'

'It's a ten-year plan,' said Bret. 'They are in a bad way over there. A well-planned attack on their economy and the whole damned communist house of cards will collapse.'

'Collapse? What does that mean?'

'I think we could force the East German government into allowing opposition parties and free emigration.'

'Do you?' The idea seemed preposterous to the old man, but he was too experienced in the strategies of Whitehall to go on record as a disbeliever. 'The Wall comes down in 1988? Is that what you are saying?' The old man smiled grimly.

'I don't want to be too specific but look at it this way. In World War Two RAF Bomber Command went out at night and dropped bombs on big cities. Subsequent research discovered that few of the bombers had found their way to the assigned targets, and the few that did bombed lakes, parks, churches and wasteland so that only one bomb in ten was likely to hit anything worthwhile.'

Sir Henry was fingering the coloured cards upon which there were graphs and charts showing various statistics mostly concerned with the skilled and unskilled working population of the German Democratic Republic. 'Go on, Bret.'

'When Spaatz and Jimmy Doolittle took the US Eighth Air Force into the bombing campaign they went in daylight with the Norden bombsight. Precision bombing and they had a plan. They bombed only synthetic-oil plants and aircraft factories. No wasted effort and the effect was mortal.'

'Weren't they called panacea targets?'

'Only by the ones who were proved wrong,' said Bret sharply.

'I seem to remember some other aspects of the strategic bombing campaign,' pondered the old man, who hadn't missed the point that the RAF got it wrong and the Americans got it right. Neither did he miss the implication that the efforts of the SIS had up till now been ninety per cent futile.

'I wouldn't want to labour the comparison,' said Bret, who belatedly saw that this example of the RAF's wartime inferiority to US bombing performance might be less compelling to an English audience. He tried another approach. That "Health and Hospitalization" chart you are holding shows how many physicians between the ages of twenty-five and thirty-five are holding their health scheme together. I estimate that the loss of twenty-five per cent of that labour force – that's the red sector on the chart – would make the regime start closing hospitals, or hospital departments, at a rate that would be politically unacceptable. Or take civil engineering: look at the chart I see on the table there…'

'I've looked at the charts,' said Sir Henry, who had never liked visual presentations.

'We must target the highly skilled labour force. It will put acute strain upon the communist society because the regime tells its people that they endure low wages and a drab life to get job security and good social services: health care, urban transportation and so on. And a brain-drain is something they can't counter. It takes seven years to train a physician, an engineer or a chemist: even then you need a bright kid to start with.'

'You mentioned political opposition,' said the D-G, and put Bret's charts aside.

Bret said, 'Yes. We also have to change our disdainful attitude to these small East German opposition groups. We must show a little sympathy: help and advise the Church groups and political reformers. Help them get together. Did you see my figures for Church denominations? The encouraging thing the figures demonstrate is that we can forget the rural areas: Protestants in the large cities will give us enough of the sort of people we want and we can reach townspeople more easily.'