On our approach, we heard the voices of Sandoval, De Oli, and Morla, calling on Cortes to return to the assistance of those who were still on the causeway, who loudly complained of being abandoned. Cortes replied, that it was a miracle any should have escaped, and that all who returned to the bridges would assuredly be slain: Yet he actually did return with ten or twelve of the cavalry and such of the infantry as had escaped unhurt, and proceeded along the causeway to attempt the succour of such as might be still engaged. He had not gone far when he met Alvarado badly wounded, accompanied by three of our soldiers, four of those belonging to Narvaez, and eight Tlascalans, all severely wounded and covered with blood. These Alvarado assured him were all that remained of the rear-guard, Velasquez de Leon and about twenty of the cavalry, and above an hundred of the infantry, who had belonged to his division, being all slain, or made prisoners and carried away to be sacrificed. He said farther, that after all the horses were slain, about eighty had assembled in a body and passed the first gap on the heaps of luggage and dead bodies; that at the other bridge the few who now accompanied him were saved by the mercy of God. I do not now perfectly recollect in what manner he passed that last aperture, as we were all more attentive to what he related of the death of Velasquez and above two hundred of our unhappy companions. As to that last fatal bridge, which is still called Salto de Alvarado, or the Leap of Alvarado, we were too much occupied in saving our own lives to examine whether he leaped much or little. He must, however, have got over on the baggage and dead bodies; for the water was too deep for him to have reached the bottom with his lance, and the aperture was too wide and the sides too high for him to have leaped over, had he been the most active man in the world. In about a year after, when we besieged Mexico, I was engaged with the enemy at that very bridge which was called Alvarados Leap, where the enemy had constructed breastworks and barricades, and we all agreed that the leap was impossible. One Ocampo, a soldier who came with Garay, who used to amuse himself with lampoons, made one on this supposed feat of Alvarado, saying, "That fear made him give that prodigious leap, leaving Velasquez and two hundred more to their fate as he leaped for his life." As Cortes found, by the information of Alvarado, that the causeway was entirely filled by the enemy, who must have intercepted all the rest of our companions, he returned to Tacuba, where all who had escaped were now collected. Messengers had been already sent from Mexico, ordering all the people of Tacuba, Ezcapuzalco, Tenajocan, and other neighbouring cities on that side of the lake, to collect and attack us; and they now began to surround us in the inclosed courts of Popotla where we had taken shelter, harassing us with stones and arrows, and even attacking us with lances, many of which were headed with the swords which we lost during our retreat. We defended ourselves against this attack as well as we could, and made several sallies to drive them off. But, as the enemy continually increased in number, it was determined to endeavour to reach Tlascala, for which purpose we set out under the direction of six or seven of our allies who were well acquainted with the country. After a fatiguing march by an indirect road, during which we were much harassed by the enemy, who plied us with stones and arrows, we reached some houses on a hill near a temple, where we defended ourselves, and took such care as we could of our wounds; but could get no provisions. After the conquest of Mexico, a church was built on the site of this temple, and dedicated to Nuestra Senora de los Remedios, our Lady of Succour, to which many ladies and other inhabitants of Mexico, now go in procession to pay nine days devotion31.
Our wounds had become extremely painful from cold, and want of proper dressings, and we now bound them up as well as we could. We had to deplore the loss of great numbers of our valiant companions, most of the soldiers of Narvaez having lost their lives by being overloaded with gold. Poor Botello the astrologer was killed among the rest. The sons of Montezuma, Cacamatzin who had been prince of Tezcuco, and all the other prisoners, among whom were some Mexican princes, lost their lives on this fatal night of our retreat from Mexico. All our artillery were lost. We had only twenty-three horses remaining, and very few crossbows; and our situation was melancholy and desperate in the extreme, having no other resource but to endeavour to reach Tlascala, and even there our reception was exceedingly uncertain32. After dressing our wounds, and making arrows for our crossbows, during which employment we were incessantly harassed in our present post, we proceeded at midnight on our march, under the direction of our faithful Tlascalans. Some of those who were badly wounded had to walk with the aid of crutches; others were assisted on each side by some of their companions; and those who were utterly unable to support themselves were placed upon lame horses. Thus, making head against the enemy with as many of the infantry as could bear arms, and having the cavalry who were able to act in front and on our flanks, with the wounded Spaniards and allies in the centre, we marched on continually harassed by the enemy, who reviled us, saying that we should soon meet our destruction; words that we did not then understand. I have forgot to mention the satisfaction we all enjoyed at finding Donna Marina and Donna Luisa had been saved in our retreat from Mexico. Having crossed among the first, they had been brought safe to Popotla by the exertions of two brothers of Donna Luisa, all the rest of the female Indians having been lost in the retreat.
On this day we reached a large town named Gualtitlan33. From that place we continued our march, still harassed at every step by the enemy, whose numbers and boldness increased as we advanced, insomuch that they killed two of our lame soldiers and one of our horses at a difficult pass, wounding many both of our horses and ourselves. Having repulsed them, we reached some villages, where we halted for the night, making our supper of the slain horse34. We began our march very early next morning, and had only proceeded about a league, believing ourselves now almost in safety, when three of our videts came in with a report that the whole extent of a plain through which we must necessarily pass was covered over by an innumerable army. This intelligence was truly terrifying to our small numbers, worn out with fatigue and privations, and covered with wounds; yet we resolved to conquer or die, as we had indeed no other alternative. We were immediately halted and formed in order of battle, the infantry being directed to use their swords only in thrusts, by which we exposed ourselves less to the weapons of the enemy, and the cavalry were ordered to charge clear through at half speed, with their lances levelled at the faces of the enemy, never stopping to make thrusts. While recommending ourselves to God and his Holy Mother, and invoking the aid of St Jago, the enemy began to close around us, and we resolved to sell our lives dearly, or force our way through. The infantry being drawn up in a solid column, and our cavalry formed in bodies of five, we proceeded to the attack. It is impossible to describe the tremendous battle which ensued: How we closed hand to hand, and with what fury the enemy attacked us, wounding us with their clubs and lances and two-handed swords; while our cavalry, favoured by the even surface of the plain, rode through them at will with couched lances, bearing down the enemy wherever they came, and fighting most manfully though they and their horses were all wounded. We too of the infantry did our best, regardless of our former wounds and of those we now received, closing up with the enemy, and using every effort to bear them down with our swords. Cortes, Alvarado, and De Oli, though all wounded, continued to make lanes through the throng of the enemy, calling out to us to strike especially at the chiefs, who were easily distinguished by their plumes of feathers, golden ornaments, rich arms, and curious devices. The valiant Sandoval encouraged us by his example and exhortations, exclaiming, "Now is the day of victory! Trust in God, who will still preserve us to do him service." We were all resolute to conquer or die, and were assuredly assisted by the Lord Jesus Christ, the Holy Virgin, and St Jago; as was afterwards certified by a chief belonging to Guatimotzin, who was present in this battle. Though some were killed and many wounded, we continued to maintain our ground, yet the enemy never relaxed in their efforts. At length it was the will of God, that Cortes, accompanied by Sandoval, De Oli, Alvarado, Avila, and other captains, came up to that part of the enemy in which their commander-in-chief was posted, who was distinguished from all the rest by his rich golden arms, and highly adorned plume of feathers, and the grand standard of the army35. Immediately on Cortes perceiving this chief, who was surrounded by many nobles wearing plumes of feathers, he exclaimed to his companions, "Now, gentlemen, let us charge these men, and if we succeed the day is our own." Then, recommending themselves to God, they charged upon them, and Cortes struck the Mexican chief and threw down his standard, he and the other cavaliers effectually breaking and dispersing this numerous body. The Mexican chief, however, was making his escape, but was pursued and slain by Juan de Salamanca, who seized his rich plume of feathers and presented it to Cortes, saying, that as he had first struck the Mexican general and overthrown the standard, the trophy of the conquest was his undoubted right.
31
This place is about nine miles W.N.W. from Mexico, and only about a mile and a half from Tacuba. Its Mexican name, according to Clavigero, was Otoncalpolco. It is almost in an opposite direction from the road to Tlascala, but was probably chosen on purpose to avoid the populous hostile vale of Mexico, and to get as soon as possible among the hills, and among some of the conquered tribes who bore the Mexican yoke with impatience. Clavigero says that the Spaniards procured at this place some refreshments from a tribe of Otomies, who inhabited two neighbouring hamlets. –E.
32
The distance from where they now were to Tlascala was between 80 and 90 miles in a straight line; but as they chose a very circuitous route, by the west and north of the lakes in the vale of Mexico, before turning south-eastwards to Tlascala, their march must have much exceeded that distance. –E.
33
Named Quauhtitlan by Clavigero, and Guautitlan, Huauhtitlan or Teutitlan, in Humboldts map of the Vale of Mexico. –E.
34
As related in the text, this march to the villages appears to have been made on the same day with that to Guauhtitlan, and the battle of Otumba or Otompan, to have been fought on the second day of the march from Popotla or Los Remedios. But the distances and difficulty of the march renders this almost impossible. The chronology and distances, taking the names of some of the stages from Clavigero, II. 117, and the distances from Humboldts map, may have been as follows; Retreat from Mexico to Popotla, 1st July, 9 miles. March to Quauhtitlan, 2d July, 10 miles. To Xoloc, 3d July, 13 miles. To Zacamolco, 4th July, 10 miles. To Otompan, 5th July, 3 miles:-and indeed these dates are sufficiently confirmed by Diaz himself in the sequel. –E.
35
According to Clavigero, II. 118, this standard was a net of gold fixed to a staff ten palms long, which was firmly tied to his back, and was called by the Mexicans Tlahuizmatlaxopilli. –E.