It is now proper to revert to our situation who had been left at Naco, when Cortes set sail from Truxillo for the Havanna and Mexico. We remained for some time at Naco, waiting intelligence for the sailing of Cortes, which Sandoval was to have sent us; but Saavedra maliciously suppressed the letters. Becoming impatient after a considerable delay, our captain, Luis Marin, sent ten of the cavalry, among whom I was, to Truxillo to learn the truth. On our arrival at a place named Olancho, we learned from some Spaniards that Cortes was sailed; which information was soon afterwards confirmed by a message from Saavedra. We returned therefore joyfully to Marin, and set out for Mexico, throwing stones at the country we were quitting, as a mark of our dislike. At a place called Maniani, we met five soldiers commanded by Diego de Villaneuva, one of our brave veterans, who were sent in search of us by Alvarado, who was at a place not far distant, named Chohilteca Malalaca, where we joined him in two days, and where we were likewise joined by a party belonging to Pedro Arias de Avilla, who had sent some of his captains to adjust some disputed boundaries with Alvarado. From this place, where we remained three days, Alvarado sent one Gaspar Arias de Avilla to treat on some confidential business with Pedro Arias, I believe relative to a marriage; for Pedro Arias seemed much devoted henceforwards to Alvarado. Continuing our march through a hostile country, the natives killed one of our soldiers, and wounded three; but we were too much in haste to punish them as they deserved. Farther on in Guatimala, the natives manned the passes against us, and we were detained three days in forcing our way through, on which occasion I received a slight wound. While in the valley where the city of Guatimala has been since built, and all the people of which were hostile, we had a number of shocks of an earthquake, all of which continued a long while, and were so violent that several of our soldiers were thrown down. On passing old Guatimala, the natives assembled against us in hostile array, but we drove them before us, and took possession of their magnificent dwellings and quadrangles for the night, and hutted ourselves next day on the plain, where we remained ten days. During this time Alvarado summoned the neighbouring Indians to submit, but they neglected to appear. We then proceeded by long marches to Olintepec, where Alvarados main force was stationed, whence we proceeded by Soconuzco and Teguantepec towards Mexico, losing two soldiers on our march, and the Mexican lord named Juan Velasquez, who had been a chief under Guatimotzin.
On our arrival at Oaxaca, we learned the news of the death of Ponce de Leon the governor. We pressed forward to Mexico, and on our arrival at Chalco sent messengers to inform Cortes of our approach, and to request he would provide us with good quarters, having been two years and three months absent on our expedition. Cortes, attended by many gentlemen on horseback, met us on the causeway and accompanied us into the city, where we immediately went to the great church to return thanks to God for our arrival, after which we went to the generals palace, where a sumptuous entertainment was provided for us. Alvarado went to reside at the fortress, of which he had been appointed alcalde. Luis Marin went to lodge with Sandoval; and Captain Luis Sanchez and I, were taken by Andres de Tapia to his house. Cortes and Sandoval and all our other friends sent us presents of gold and cacao to bear our expences85. Next day, my friend Sanchez and I went to wait upon the new governor Aguilar, accompanied by Sandoval and De Tapia. We were received with much politeness, saying he would have done every thing in his power for us, if so authorised, but every thing having been referred by De Leon to his majesty, he was unable to make any new arrangements.
At this time Diego de Ordas arrived from Cuba, who was said to have circulated the report of our deaths; but he declared that he had only sent an account of the unfortunate catastrophe of Xicalonga as it really happened, and that the misrepresentation proceeded entirely from the factor Salazar. Cortes had so much business on his hands that he thought proper to drop this affair, and endeavoured to recover his property which had been disposed of under the supposition of his death. A great part of it had been expended in celebrating his funeral obsequies, and in the purchase of perpetual masses for his soul; but, on his being discovered to be alive, had been repurchased by one Juan Caceres for his own benefit when he might happen to die, so that Cortes could not recover his property. Ordas, who was a man of much experience, seeing that Cortes was fallen much into neglect since he was superseded from the government, advised him to assume more state and consequence to maintain the respect due to him: But such was his native plainness of manners, that he never wished to be called otherwise than simply Cortes; a truly noble name, as glorious as those of Cesar, Pompey, or Hanibal among the ancients. Ordas likewise informed Cortes of a current report in Mexico, that he intended to put Salazar privately to death in prison, and warned him that he was powerfully patronized. About this time, the treasurer Estrada married one of his daughters to Jorge de Alvarado, and another to Don Luis de Guzman, son to the Conde de Castellar. Pedro de Alvarado went over to Spain to solicit the government of Guatimala, sending in the meantime his brother Jorge to reduce that province, with a force chiefly composed of the warriors of the different nations that were in our alliance. The governor also sent a force against the province of Chiapa, under the command of Don Juan Enriquez de Guzman, a near relation to the Duke of Medina Sidonia: And an expedition was sent against the Zapotecan mountaineers, under Alonzo de Herrera, one of our veteran soldiers.
Having lingered about eight months, Marcos de Aguilar died, and appointed by his testament Alonzo de Estrada the treasurer to succeed him in the government: But the Cabildo of Mexico and many of the principal Spaniards were very solicitous that Cortes should be associated in the government; and on his peremptory refusal, they recommended that Sandoval, who was then alguazil-major, should act in conjunction with Estrada, which accordingly was the case. The incompetence of Estrada for conducting the government in the present conjuncture, particularly appeared from the following circumstance. Nuno de Guzman, who had held the government of Panuco for two years, conducted himself in a furious and tyrannical manner, arbitrarily extending the bounds of his jurisdiction on the most frivolous pretences, and putting to death all who dared to oppose his commands. Among these, Pedro Gonzalez de Truxillo, having asserted truly that his district was dependent on Mexico, Guzman immediately ordered him to be hanged. He put many other Spaniards to death, merely to make himself feared; and set the authority of the governor of Mexico at defiance. Some of the enemies of Cortes persuaded Estrada to represent to the court of Spain, that he had been compelled by the influence of Cortes to associate Sandoval with himself in the government, contrary to his inclination, and to the detriment of his majesties service. By the same conveyance, a string of malevolent falsehoods were transmitted against the general; as that he had poisoned Garay, De Leon, and Aguilar; that he had endeavoured to administer arsenic in cheese-cakes to a great number of people at a feast; that he was plotting the deaths of the veedor and factor Chirinos and Salazar, then in jail; and that he had procured the death of his wife, Donna Catalina. All these lies were supported by the industry of the contador Albornos, then in Spain: And, in consequence of these gross falsehoods, Cortes was partly judged unheard; as orders were sent to release Salazar and Chirinos; and Pedro de la Cueva, commendator-major of Alcantara, was ordered to go out to Mexico with an escort of three hundred soldiers at the expence of Cortes, with authority to put Cortes to death if his guilt were proved, and to distribute his property among the veteran conquerors of Mexico. This was to have been done, however, under the authority of a court of royal audience, which was to be sent out to Mexico; but all ended in nothing; as neither De la Cueva nor the court of royal audience made their appearance.
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It may be proper to remark in this place, that the cacao nuts were used by the Mexicans before the conquest as a medium for purchases of small value instead of money, and the practice was continued under the Spanish dominion, as the markets were supplied by the original natives. Clavigero, I. 366. says that the Mexicans used five substitutes for money. 1. Cacao, which they counted by xiquipils, or in sacks containing each three xiquipils, or 24,000 nuts. 2. Small cotton cloths, called patolquachtli. 3. Gold dust in goose quills. 4. Pieces of copper in the form of the letter T. 5. Thin pieces of tin. –E.