J.V. Stalin impeded the «world backstage», because he was an authoritative politician-Bolshevik who acted conceptually beginning from the after-war years[348]. After the Great Patriotic War the course of political life in the USSR acquired a stable trend toward irreversible liberation from the power of the «world backstage» internazism. Thus the «world backstage» had to begin curbing the USSR and solving the problem of minimization of the damage caused by J. Stalin’s bolshevist activity during several decades. One more hindrance for the «world backstage» to carry out its political scenarios would be further publication of his works, which were to be included into the 14th — 16th volumes of the collected works. They could bring Stalin’s view of the flow of events in 1934 — 1952 home to contemporaries and descendants in a concentrated form[349]. Publication of J. Stalin’s speeches, articles and letters referring to these years would have essentially impeded and even made neo-Trotskyite policy of N. Khrushchev’s regime impossible, in case the edition had been published in 1951 — 1953 and included 14th — 16th volumes of the collected works.
Correspondingly, having taken the decision to annihilate J. Stalin[350], the «world backstage» gave the instruction to slow down the edition of his works, having assumed that if it had established under its control a new regime in the USSR after his removal, the crowd wouldn’t have dared to demand to continue edition of his collected works. They believed that as far as the crowd would have been conceptually powerless, it wouldn’t have been able to assure the continuation of Stalin’s political course. Indeed it happened so: the composed type of the 14th — 16th volumes and sample copies were destroyed when the new N. Khrushchev’s psycho-Trotskyist anti-Bolshevist regime came to power in the USSR. And as it’s well known the question of continuation of edition of J. Stalin’s works never arose at plenary sessions and Congresses of the defeatist party of Socialism self-destruction, and was never raised by the broad «masses»[351]: in the USSR only «dissidents» of probourgeois-individualistic trend belonging to the class of grovellers to the West were active.
That’s why nothing really says that in 1952 omitting the hierarchical multilevel self-censorship of crowd-“elitism”, which was beyond his control, J.V. Stalin could say directly to the society through the USSR mass media and scientific press what he thought. Nothing really says he could give instructions to publish his speech at the October Central Committee plenary session or any other one, which would overstep the limits of the society’s capacity for perceiving its meaning adequately[352]. Discussions concerning different problems, which were held in the press during after-war years, letters, which were addressed to the Central Committee, to the Government and to his name, gave a good idea of the society’s worldview and ideology, of what it could accept and understand, and what it would reject taking no trouble to re-comprehend the life and the said. This is clearly seen in the “The Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR”.
Judging from the reconstruction of the algorithmic model of the soviet society’s collective mentality of that time (including the analyses of the contemporaries’ evidences), only his single works and speeches could escape the censorship (which was beyond J. Stalin’s control) in the press and in other mass media. These works and speeches were to be done in such a linguistic style, that even formally according to the Marxism linguistic culture dominating in the USSR, they were not apprehended as a danger by the State machinery mafia. And even if the «world backstage» could understand the danger of the said to its policy, its periphery just had no time to respond to separate «leakages» of conceptually alien information (for it) into the society.
In such conditions succession of the Bolshevism conceptual power was ensured: “Economic Problems of Socialism in the U.S.S.R.” is J. Stalin’s report about achievements during his leadership of the party and the state; it’s a report about unsolved problems and a farewell speech to Bolsheviks. These collected works were published in 1952 as a separate edition.
And though after J. Stalin’s death his works were withdrawn from library stocks of common access, and from school and college curricula of philosophical and social sciences, still copies of the small brochure outlived Khrushchevism and the depression on the shelves of family libraries and were called for by successors-continuers, who belonged to new generations of Bolsheviks.
«Stalin hasn’t become a thing of the past, he has dissolved in our future»[353] — however sad it may be for many people, who are lackeys at heart, even if they pretend to be slave-owners and masters.
6.8. Stalin’s Directions for the Future to Bolsheviks
6.8.1. Refuse Marxism
The contents of the book “The Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR” also suggest that this Stalin’s work became the common property of the people; and it managed to escape the motley self-censorship of the crowd-“elitist” society. Thoughtless and industrious functionaries (of the State machinery) didn’t understand and let it be published1; and more thoughtful «world backstage» acting through its periphery didn’t manage to prevent publication and distribution of the work in the society.
The characteristic feature of the work is that ideas of the book are beyond one’s comprehension without understanding of the global history course. In other words, understanding of the global history course influences the reader’s understanding of “The Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR”.2
There are many people who dream about Communism, but haven’t released from power of Marxism over their worldview. They make reference to “The Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR” as to an example of the Marxist theory development by Stalin, which is directed toward Communism building. They don’t realize that this work is capital sentence for Marxism, which is though expressed by linguistic means of Marxism itself. They don’t realize this fact as well as Stalin’s «guardians» from the State machinery mafia and from the «world backstage» didn’t realize it in 1952, and thus let the collected articles and reply letters to the economic discussion participants be published.
Such a faulty opinion arises from two circumstances: first — people’s unwillingness and inability to realize the course of life on their own; second — in “The Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR” there are many phrases, which make the impression that Stalin is Marxism’s man Friday. Here is one of the most impressive phrases of the kind:
«To describe Comrade Yaroshenko's opinion in a couple of words, it should be said that it is un-Marxist -- and, hence, profoundly erroneous». (“Economic Problems of Socialism in the U.S.S.R.”, “Concerning the Errors of Comrade L.D. Yaroshenko”, part 1. “Comrade Yaroshenko’s Chief Error”).
In other words, only Marxist approach to emerging problems leads to their solution, and thus enriches the Marxist study:
«Marxism regards laws of science — whether they be laws of natural science or laws of political economy — as the reflection of objective processes which take place independently of the will of man. Man may discover these laws, get to know them, study them, reckon with them in his activities and utilize them in the interests of society, but he cannot change or abolish them. Still less can he form or create new laws of science» (“Economic Problems of Socialism in the U.S.S.R.”, “Remarks on Economics Questions Connected with the November 1951 Discussion”, part 1, “Character of Economic Laws under Socialism”).