It’s vastly complicated, Keller knows. Aguilar can’t know how high up the corruption goes, or how thorough it is. His boss, the attorney general, was appointed by the president. And is his own organization, SEIDO, clean? He doesn’t know if he can trust the people he works for, or the people who work for him. It isn’t just bureaucratic backstabbing—the chance of losing a job or even a career.

It’s life and death.

They could kill him.

“Luis,” Keller says, “you have a wife and kids. If you want to walk away from this, no one would blame you.”

“I would,” Aguilar says.

He gets up, and Keller hears him tell Lucinda that he’s going out and doesn’t know when he’ll be back.

—

They sit in a closed, locked room deep inside the SEIDO building and replay the tape again and again.

There are seven distinct voices at the meeting.

Martín Tapia is easy, but they still run it on voice recognition software against the tape of his phone calls from Cuernavaca, and it matches.

Aguilar locates old surveillance tape of Diego and matches that.

Then they run the voice that neither of them wants to run.

“Turning government policy around like that…it’s going to cost more money.” “It’s not for us.” “I’m sure it would help.”

Aguilar places this on one track, then on another runs, “They surrender or they die. That’s their only choice. Los malosos—the bad guys—are not going to run Mexico.”

Keller watches the parallel lines spike on the voice recognition screen.

It’s a match.

Gerardo Vera.

Aguilar doesn’t even pause, but goes to work on the other voices. It takes hours, but he finds tapes of Bravo conducting an interrogation, Aristeo doing a press conference when he was first appointed, and Galvén giving a speech to a community group.

Bravo, Aristeo, and Galvén match with voices making small talk in the meeting.

“So,” Aguilar says calmly, as if discussing a theoretical law school problem, “we have a thesis: The Tapias were the paymasters for the Sinaloa cartel. Vera and the others were on that payroll, as were high-ranking members of the administration. Then Barrera made his arrangement with us to betray the Tapias in exchange for his nephew. Somehow”—he looks pointedly at Keller—“the Tapias found out, creating a break in the cartel. The Tapias murdered three police officers, as well as Salvador Barrera, in revenge for Alfredo and to improve their position in a war with Barrera. They either wouldn’t or couldn’t get to Vera, nor did they anticipate that public backlash would strengthen the government, which they view as Barrera’s ally, so they leaked a tape incriminating the dead officers and Vera.”

Sounds about right, Keller thinks.

The question is what to do about it.

Aguilar’s first instinct is to arrest Vera, but it’s a rash move and rashness is not on his operational menu. Gerardo has surrounded himself with security in the wake of the assassinations, and there could actually be a gunfight between his AFI men and Aguilar’s.

Besides, Gerardo has the ear of the president, at the very least.

The prosecutor in Aguilar takes over. The tape isn’t enough to nail him—he could challenge that the voice is his, he could claim that yes, he was at the meeting to “set up” the Tapias—the proof being that he ordered the raids on Alfredo and Diego, and why would he do that if he were on their payroll?

“He’s not,” Keller argues, “he’s on Barrera’s payroll.”

“Prove it,” Aguilar counters.

They need witnesses, someone to wear a wire, they need a complete investigation into Gerardo’s finances. “And that just takes us as far as Vera,” Aguilar says. “What about the president’s office?”

They have information that could bring down a government. And that government isn’t going to investigate itself.

Which begs another question.

“Do you intend to turn this over to DEA?” Aguilar asks.

“It’s what I’m supposed to do.”

“This is not what I asked you.”

It’s tricky, Keller thinks. He works for DEA, not SEIDO; for the United States, not Mexico. He’s holding crucial information that directly impacts DEA operations and investigations, maybe even the safety of undercover agents, if DEA is giving Vera information that he might pass on to Barrera.

Certainly, Keller thinks, Vera has passed on information about you.

And DEA could do what SEIDO really can’t: conduct an independent investigation of the Mexican government. It has the surveillance technology, the ability to hack computers and break codes, intercept communications. SEIDO can do that—to a certain extent—but without getting caught? Who knows what worms have been implanted in the SEIDO machine?

So DEA can do it—and what they can’t, the CIA or NSA can—but will they?

They’re in love with Vera. If he were a woman they’d marry him, and his supporters in Washington—and they are legion—will argue that he’s getting results. It might not even matter to them that he’s getting those results for Adán Barrera, as long as he’s taking down the Tijuana cartel, the Juárez cartel—and now the Gulf, the Zetas, and La Familia. Keller can hear Taylor say it now—So Vera’s pulling in a half a million a month for taking down narcos? Good—we couldn’t pay him that much.

You’re being too cynical, Keller tells himself.

One of the two men in charge of antidrug operations is dirty? Of course DEA wants to know. The president’s office implicated? That goes to the White House. Billions of dollars are being considered in a major aid program. To fight drug trafficking.

But he knows what Aguilar is asking and why. The SEIDO chief is a patriot, fiercely protective of his country, and now he’s ashamed. And he’d be even more shamed if the U.S. Big Brother steps in to fix it, condemning Mexican corruption. It’s the worst of Aguilar’s nightmares.

“It’s going to come out, Luis,” Keller says. “You know that. If we don’t act, the Tapias will find someone who will.”

Brave new world, Keller thinks. In giving me the tape, the Tapia cartel is, in effect, applying for American aid.

“A few weeks,” Aguilar says. “Let me do what I can to complete the investigation. If I can develop the evidence I need, I’ll meet with your superiors. We’ll go together.”

Keller makes the deal.

—

Three of the men in that meeting are dead.

But there was another voice on the tape.

A voice we haven’t identified.

Who doesn’t say much. A few times after Martín Tapia makes a point, you hear the voice agreeing, Chido. Chido.

Cool, cool.

They pull personnel records on every hire Vera made to AFI, and, since his promotion, to any federal police position, and find they have something else in common—all of them served together as beat cops in the tough colonia of Iztapalapa back in the ’90s.

Galvén was there.

So were Bravo and Aristeo.

They find three other high-ranking officers: Igor Barragán, Luis Labastida, Javier Palacios. All served with Vera in Iztapalapa, all were hired when he started AFI.

Now Barragán is the AFI coordinator for regional security.

Labastida is the director of intelligence.

Palacios is director of AFI special operations.

All under Vera’s umbrella. All passed lie detector tests validating that they were clean.

Vera brought everyone up with him, Keller thinks, but who did he bring to the meeting with the Tapias? In all probability it was one of these three men, who has to be feeling the heat now that three others have been killed.

Or did he flip and join the Tapias?

In either case, he could be the witness we need.

They look for voice records on any of the three men but find nothing.

Something Keller’s learned over the years—if the answer isn’t in the present, it’s usually in the past.