368 Ḥamása, 226. The word translated 'throne' is in Arabic minbar, i.e., the pulpit from which the Caliph conducted the public prayers and addressed the congregation.

369 Kalb was properly one of the Northern tribes (see Robertson Smith's Kinship and Marriage, 2nd ed., p. 8 seq.—a reference which I owe to Professor Bevan), but there is evidence that the Kalbites were regarded as 'Yemenite' or 'Southern' Arabs at an early period of Islam. Cf.Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, Part I, p. 83, l. 3 sqq.

370 Muhammedanische Studien, i, 78 sqq.

371 Qaḥṭán is the legendary ancestor of the Southern Arabs.

372 Aghání, xiii, 51, cited by Goldziher, ibid., p. 82.

373 A verse of the poet Suḥaym b. Wathíl.

374 The Kámilof al-Mubarrad, ed. by W. Wright, p. 215, l. 14 sqq.

375 Ibn Qutayba, Kitábu ‘l-Ma‘árif, p. 202.

376 Al-Fakhrí, p. 173; Ibnu ’l-Athír, ed. by Tornberg, v, 5.

377 Ibid., p. 174. Cf.Mas‘údi, Murúju ’l-Dhahab, v, 412.

378 His mother, Umm ‘Áṣim, was a granddaughter of ‘Umar I.

379 Mas‘údí, Murúju ’l-Dhahab, v, 419 seq.

380 Ibnu ’l-Athír, ed. by Tornberg, v, 46. Cf. Agání, xx, p. 119, l. 23. ‘Umar made an exception, as Professor Bevan reminds me, in favour of the poet Jarír. See Brockelmann's Gesch. der Arab. Litteratur, vol. i, p. 57.

381 The exhaustive researches of Wellhausen, Das Arabische Reich und sein Sturz(pp. 169-192) have set this complicated subject in a new light. He contends that ‘Umar's reform was not based on purely ideal grounds, but was demanded by the necessities of the case, and that, so far from introducing disorder into the finances, his measures were designed to remedy the confusion which already existed.

382 Mas‘údí, Murúju ’l-Dhahab, v, 479.

383 The Arabic text and literal translation of these verses will be found in my article on Abu ’l-‘Alá's Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán( J.R.A.S.for 1902, pp. 829 and 342).

384 Wellhausen, Das Arabische Reich und sein Sturz, p. 38.

385 I.e., the main body of Moslems— Sunnís, followers of the Sunna, as they were afterwards called—who were neither Shí‘ites nor Khárijites, but held (1) that the Caliph must be elected by the Moslem community, and (2) that he must be a member of Quraysh, the Prophet's tribe. All these parties arose out of the struggle between ‘Alí and Mu‘áwiya, and their original difference turned solely of the question of the Caliphate.

386 Brünnow, Die Charidschiten unter den ersten Omayyaden(Leiden, 1884), p. 28. It is by no means certain, however, that the Khárijites called themselves by this name. In any case, the term implies secession( khurúj) from the Moslem community, and may be rendered by 'Seceder' or 'Nonconformist.'

387 Cf.Koran, ix, 112.

388 Brünnow, op. cit., p. 8.

389 Wellhausen, Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam( Abhandlungen der Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, 1901), p. 8 sqq. The writer argues against Brünnow that the oldest Khárijites were not true Bedouins ( A‘rábí), and were, in fact, even further removed than the rest of the military colonists of Kúfa and Baṣra from their Bedouin traditions. He points out that the extreme piety of the Readers—their constant prayers, vigils, and repetitions of the Koran—exactly agrees with what is related of the Khárijites, and is described in similar language. Moreover, among the oldest Khárijites we find mention made of a company clad in long cloaks ( baránis, pl. of burnus), which were at that time a special mark of asceticism. Finally, the earliest authority (Abú Mikhnaf in Ṭabarí, i, 3330, l. 6 sqq.) regards the Khárijites as an offshoot from the Readers, and names individual Readers who afterwards became rabid Khárijites.

390 Later, when many non-Arab Moslems joined the Khárijite ranks the field of choice was extended so as to include foreigners and even slaves.

391 Ṭabarí, ii, 40, 13 sqq.

392 Shahrastání, ed. by Cureton, Part I, p. 88. l. 12.

393 Ibid., p. 86, l. 3 from foot.

394 Ṭabarí, ii, 36, ll. 7, 8, 11-16.

395 Ḥamása, 44.

396 Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 555, p. 55, l. 4 seq.; De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 523.

397 Dozy, Essai sur l'histoire de l'Islamisme(French translation by Victor Chauvin), p. 219 sqq.

398 Wellhausen thinks that the dogmatics of the Shí‘ites are derived from Jewish rather than from Persian sources. See his account of the Saba’ites in his most instructive paper, to which I have already referred, Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam( Abh. der König. Ges. der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, 1901), p. 89 sqq.

399 Ṭabarí, i, 2942, 2.

400 " Verily, He who hath ordained the Koran for thee( i.e., for Muḥammad) will bring thee back to a place of return" ( i.e., to Mecca). The ambiguity of the word meaning 'place of return' ( ma‘ád) gave some colour to Ibn Sabá's contention that it alluded to the return of Muḥammad at the end of the world. The descent of Jesus on earth is reckoned by Moslems among the greater signs which will precede the Resurrection.

401 This is a Jewish idea. ‘Alí stands in the same relation to Muḥammad as Aaron to Moses.

402 Ṭabarí, loc. cit.

403 Shahrastání, ed. by Cureton, p. 132, l. 15.

404 Aghání, viii, 32, l. 17 sqq. The three sons of ‘Alí are Ḥasan, Ḥusayn, and Muḥammad Ibnu ’l-Ḥanafiyya.

405 Concerning the origin of these sects see Professor Browne's Lit. Hist. of Persia, vol. i, p. 295 seq.

406 See Darmesteter's interesting essay, Le Mahdi depuis les origines de l'Islam jusqu’à nos jours (Paris, 1885). The subject is treated more scientifically by Snouck Hurgronje in his paper Der Mahdi, reprinted from the Revue coloniale internationale(1886).

407 Ṣiddíqmeans 'veracious.' Professor Bevan remarks that in this root the notion of 'veracity' easily passes into that of 'endurance,' 'fortitude.'

408 Ṭabarí, ii, 546. These 'Penitents' were free Arabs of Kúfa, a fact which, as Wellhausen has noticed, would seem to indicate that the ta‘ziyais Semitic in origin.

409 Wellhausen, Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien, p. 79.

410 Ṭabarí, ii, 650, l. 7 sqq.

411 Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's translation, Part I, p. 169.

412 Von Kremer, Culturgeschicht. Streifzüge, p. 2 sqq.

413 The best account of the early Murjites that has hitherto appeared is contained in a paper by Van Vloten, entitled Irdjâ( Z.D.M.G., vol. 45, p. 161 sqq.). The reader may also consult Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's trans., Part I, p. 156 sqq.; Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, Part II, p. 89 sqq.; Van Vloten, La domination Arabe, p. 31 seq.

414 Van Vloten thinks that in the name 'Murjite' ( murji’) there is an allusion to Koran, ix, 107: " And others are remanded (murjawna) until God shall decree; whether He shall punish them or take pity on them—for God is knowing and wise."

415 Cf.the poem of Thábit Quṭna ( Z.D.M.G., loc. cit., p. 162), which states the whole Murjite doctrine in popular form. The author, who was himself a Murjite, lived in Khurásán during the latter half of the first century a.h.

416 Van Vloten, La domination Arabe, p. 29 sqq.

417 Ibn Ḥazm, cited in Z.D.M.G., vol. 45, p. 169, n. 7. Jahm (õ about 747 a.d.) was a Persian, as might be inferred from the boldness of his speculations.

418 Ḥasan himself inclined for a time to the doctrine of free-will, but afterwards gave it up (Ibn Qutayba, Kitábu ’l-Ma‘árif, p. 225). He is said to have held that everything happens by fate, except sin ( Al-Mu‘tazilah, ed. by T. W. Arnold, p. 12, l. 3 from foot). See, however, Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's trans., Part I, p. 46.