As Mufti of Istanbul, Battal was the theological leader of all three thousand of the city’s mosques. Only the President of the Diyanet İşleri, a nonelected post in Turkey’s secular government, technically wielded greater spiritual authority over the country’s Muslim population. Yet Battal had developed far greater influence over the hearts and minds of the mosque-going public.

Despite his seniority, Battal appeared nothing like the stereo-typical stern gray cleric with a raging beard. He was a tall, powerfully built man with an imposing presence. Not yet fifty years old, he had a long face that expressed the sunny disposition of a Labrador puppy. He often wore suits instead of robes and inflected a deprecating sense of humor that made his brand of fundamentalist Islam almost seem fun.

Yet despite his sunny persona, the message he sold was a bleak one. Raised on the extreme fundamentalist tenets of Islamic interpretation, he vocally supported Islamism, the expansion of Islam as both a religious and political movement. His worldview taught the subjugation of women’s rights while strongly turning away from Western culture and mores. He had gradually built a power base by railing against the forces of foreign influence, then turned his sights on the secular government as economic conditions within Turkey soured. Although he hadn’t publicly taken a militant stance, he believed in jihad for the defense of Islamic territory. Like Celik, he was driven by a powerful ego, and privately aspired to command the country as both its religious and political leader.

“I have some very good news to report, on several fronts,” Celik said.

“My friend Ozden, you are always working behind the scenes on my behalf. What is it that you have done for our cause now?”

“I recently met with Sheikh Zayad of the Emirati Royal Family. He is pleased with the work you have done and wishes to make another substantial contribution.”

Battal’s eyes widened. “On top of his earlier generosity? This is wonderful news. I am still at a loss, however, as to his interest in our movement here in Turkey.”

“He is a man of vision,” Celik replied, “who supports adherence to the Sharia path. He is troubled by the growing threats against us, as evident by the recent mosque attacks here and in Egypt.”

“Yes, despicable acts of violence against our holy sites. And on top of that, there is the recent theft of the Prophet’s relics from Topkapi. These are intolerable assaults on our faith by outside forces of evil.”

“The Sheikh concurs with your sentiments. He sees his country’s security, and that of the entire region, being safer under a fundamentalist Sunni rule.”

“Which leads to your next bit of news?” Battal said with a knowing grin.

“So, the birds have been singing, eh? Well, as you may know, I met with the Felicity Party’s leadership council, and they have agreed to accept you as their presidential candidate. They actually appeared ecstatic at your willingness to replace Imam Keya as their presidential candidate.”

“A tragedy that he was killed in the Bursa Mosque blast,” Battal said with sincerity.

Celik suppressed a knowing look and nodded his head. “The party leadership has expressed their willingness to adopt your platform demands,” he continued.

“We are similar in philosophy,” Battal replied agreeably. “You are aware that the Felicity Party only garnered about three percent of the vote in the last presidential election?”

“Yes,” Celik replied, “but that was not with you atop the ballot.”

It was an alluring appeal to Battal’s ego, which had blossomed with his recent rise in popularity.

“The election is only a few weeks away,” he noted.

“Which is perfect for us,” Celik replied. “We will catch the ruling party by surprise, and they will barely have time to react to your candidacy.”

“Do you think I really have a chance?”

“Polling figures indicate that if you entered the race, you’d be less than ten percentage points behind. It’s a deficit that could easily be overcome by events.”

Battal stared off at his bookshelf of Muslim writings. “It may be a singular opportunity to erase the wrongdoings of Atatürk and lead our country back to its rightful path. We must adhere to Sharia, the law of Islam, in every aspect of our governance.”

“It is your duty to Allah,” Celik replied.

“There will be strong opposition to my candidacy, particularly on constitutional grounds. Are you positive we can overcome the challenges?”

“You forget that the Prime Minister is a hidden ally to our cause. He has kept his true faith concealed from the public and will be with us in forming a new government.”

“I enjoy your confidence, Ozden. I will of course have a key role for you in leading our new state, praise Allah.”

“I am counting on it,” Celik replied smugly. “As for your announced entry into the presidential race, I will assist your advisers in coordinating a large public rally. With some of the Sheikh’s money, we will be able to create a media blitz that will flood the opposition. I am also working on some other programs to boost your popularity.”

“So be it,” Battal said, standing and shaking hands with Celik. “With you by my side, my friend, what can we not achieve?”

“Nothing, my master. Nothing at all.”

Celik left the meeting with a skip in his step. The foolish naïf could be played like a violin, he thought. Once elected, Celik would be pulling all the strings. And should Battal have a change of heart, Celik had a slew of dirty tricks up his sleeve to keep the Mufti in line.

Exiting the mosque under an unusually clear and sunny sky, he felt the future was looking very bright indeed.

In a dimly lit cubicle within the secured walls of Fort Gordon, Georgia, Turkish language analyst George Withers listened to the conversation through a set of cushioned headphones. An employee of the NSA’s Georgia Regional Security Operations Center, Withers was one of an army of linguists paid to eavesdrop on Middle East communications from the Army base tucked amid the forested hills surrounding Augusta.

Unlike most of his voice intercept work that involved real-time translation of phone calls captured from satellite transmissions, this conversation was hours old. The data had originated from a listening post at the U.S. Embassy in Istanbul, which had intercepted a cellular phone call to the Turkish National Intelligence Organization. The call had been digitally recorded and encrypted, then sent to Fort Gordon via an NSA relay station in Cyprus.

Withers had no way of knowing that the call had actually originated from Battal’s own cell phone. Sitting idle on his desk, the phone had been remotely activated by the Turkish intelligence agency. Like most modern cell phones, Battal’s had a built-in tracking device, which allowed it to be targeted with a secret software download. Sitting unused or even turned off, the cell phone’s microphone could be turned on remotely, gathering all nearby audio inputs. Once activated, the audio could be transmitted through a normal cell call without the user’s knowledge. The Mufti had been placed on a watch list by Turkey’s Intelligence Director, a hardened secularist who had grown nervous of Battal’s growing popularity and power. Battal’s conversation with Celik, and every other person who entered his office, was now on a direct feed to the Turkish intelligence agency. The American linguist listening in was therefore an eavesdropper on an eavesdropper.

Correctly gauging the nature of the call and guessing that it was transmitted by an unauthorized recording, Withers decided that it was worth forwarding to an intelligence analyst for further assessment. Glancing at a desk clock and seeing that it was time for his lunch break, he quickly typed in a computer command. Seconds later, a written transcript of the conversation appeared on his computer monitor, courtesy of the agency’s voice recognition software. Withers reviewed the transcript, correcting a few errors and clarifying a comment or two that the software failed to decipher, then added his own comments to a summary page. E-mailing it to an agency specialist in Turkish affairs, he rose from his desk and headed to the cafeteria, thinking that the report would probably never again see the light of day.