*Same Pot

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: Maqiao people don't talk in terms of same ancestry, or same clan, or same parents. They call sons of the same parents "same-pot brothers." When men remarry, they call their former wife "former-pot wife" and call the wife married after the death of the first "later-pot wife." This shows the importance they attach to blood ties doesn't equal the importance they attach to pots, that is to say the importance they attach to eating.

After the Educated Youth arrived in Maqiao, seven people lived together in a household, all eating from the same pot. The fact that they had seven different surnames, were from seven different families, had seven different sets of blood ties was of no importance to locals; the fact that there was only one pot formed the basis for making a lot of important decisions. For example, there was the question of going to the market in Changle on the fifth day of every month. When it was the busy season for farming, the team leader decreed that each pot could at most spare one person to send to the market; everyone else had to stay in the village and work. The Educated Youth, who all wanted to go to town, argued themselves hoarse, protesting that they were not one family, that all had their own individual right to go to the market-to no avail. The household's communal pot stood behind them as cast-iron proof of the final verdict they were futilely disputing.

At one time, the fires of love blazed between two Educated Youth who, as they settled down to begin their blissfully happy life together, separated their pot off from those footloose and fancy-free Educated Youth. This brought an unexpected bonus when the team leader was distributing oil. Because there was very little, it wasn't distributed according to labor capacity, or by person; in the end, each pot was allotted one catty, so that everyone could have a little oil to grease the pot and enjoy the "righteous glow of shared good fortune." When the storeman came to have a look at the Educated Youth's stove, he certified that they had two pots and allotted two catties of oil to them, fully double the amount they'd been expecting.

They fried up a feast of profligate oiliness, wiping their greasy mouths in blissful happiness.

*Placing the Pot

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: When women leave home to get married, the most important of the wedding rites is when the bride places a new pot on the stove of her husband's family, draws water to wash the rice, chops wood to light the fire, and boils a pot of rice, showing she has become a member of her husband's family. This is called "placing the pot," synonymous with getting married. Placing the pot is normally scheduled for the winter, not only to avoid the busy season for farming, and not only because people can only afford the expense after the autumn harvest-there is a yet more important reason. I was told that only in winter could the bride wear the several layers of padded clothing needed to protect herself from the boisterous japes, punches, and kicks that young men go in for giving at weddings.

Once Fucha dragged me along to one. Under the dusky light of oil lamps and candles, in which elegant shadows flickered and the smell of alcohol stung the nose, I sat squeezed into a seam of people in a corner cracking sunflower seeds when suddenly I heard a cry of alarm; a black shadow speedily loomed towards me and hurled me violently against the wall, pressing so hard I could barely breathe. Struggling to poke my head out from behind this black shadow, I discovered that it was a person; that it was in fact none other than the bride dressed in her flowery jacket, her face obscured by a tangled bird's nest of hair, and on the verge of tears. I was terrified, but before I had time to break free from the suffocating force that seemed to emanate from her legs and back, hands closed in from all sides to grab at her; amongst roars and cheers, she made her limping escape, sheltered against the chest of another male guest. Her shrill cries were drowned out by thunderous laughter all around.

The next day, I heard that although the bride had wrapped herself in four layers of padded clothes, tightly tied up with six belts, she had still been mauled black and blue on several parts of her body, testament to the boisterous excess of the young men.

There was no way the husband's family could register any objection.

Quite the contrary; if people didn't get carried away, it meant a loss of face for the husband's family, made them the object of general contempt. When a villager called Zhaoqing held the reception for his eldest son, he did everything in a miserly way, watering down the wedding wine, cutting the pieces of meat too small. Highly disgruntled, the guests conspired to take revenge. And so it came about that nobody lifted a finger in the direction of the bride throughout the entire wedding night. If they saw her, they either hardly stirred and pretended not to have seen her, or scuttled away. The next day, the bride threw a huge tantrum: how could everyone have snubbed her like that, she wept, how could she ever show her face again? The two uncles who had come with her to place the pot also flew into a rage and, oblivious to the bride's feelings, heaved up the pot from the stove top and walked out of the door, carrying it back home on their backs. The bride hadn't originally intended her tantrum to extend to revoking her vows, but seeing the pot gone, there was nothing she could do but tearfully follow it back to the family home. A village marriage was thus annulled.

*Little Big Brother (etc.)

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: "Little big brother" means big sister. Clearly, by the same token, "little little brother" means little sister, "little paternal uncle" means an aunt on the father's side, "little maternal uncle" means an aunt on the mother's side, and so on.

I noticed very early on that because Maqiao and places nearby didn't appear to have an independent system for female nomenclature, most female names were formed simply by preceding the male name with the word "little," thus tying women forever to the diminutive. This meant, in effect, that women were people of little consequence, petty people. I can't be certain whether there's any link between this kind of ruling and ancient sayings such as Confucius's dictum that "women and petty people are hard to handle."

Language, it seems, is never absolutely objective or neutral. A linguistic space will always be distorted under the influence of a particular set of beliefs. Bearing in mind the namelessness of females, it's easy to draw further conclusions about their social status around here; it's easy to understand why they always bound their chests flat, crossed their legs tightly, and lowered their eyes timidly onto steps or short grass, harboring a deep-felt fear and shame that sprang from their status as females.

To be given a name is a right of life, the product of love and respect. People always give names to pampered pets, like "Kitty," or "Lulu." It's only the names of criminals that are usually ignored and replaced by numbers, as in stock-taking. We only refuse to acknowledge the names of people we most hate, "that so-and-so," "you scoundrel," and so on, depriving them of their linguistic position. Those we deem nameless vermin are those whose names have no function in public life or are used with such infrequency that they become erased. Thus, in the Cultural Revolution, names like "professor," "engineer," "Ph.D.," "artist" were expunged. The aim was not to abolish these professions and jobs, neither was it to physically annihilate these people. Instead, it expressed a yearning for every form of employment to develop exclusively in the name of revolution. Intense psychological pressure was exercised in order to weaken, even totally undermine, these individuals' rights to a professional label-because any form of title can provide the breeding ground for a body of thought or entire system of beliefs.


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