Drucker supposed he should have expected that, but it hit like a blow in the belly even so. Bitterly, he asked, “Why bother calling me here, then? I might as well have stayed at home with my family.” We could all die together then, ran through his mind.

“Why? Because I am still working to get the restriction lifted. I know what a good man you are in space, regardless of your troubles on the ground,” Dornberger answered. “Meanwhile… You may be lucky, you know.”

“If we’re all lucky, none of this will matter. We’d better be.” Drucker got up and walked out without bothering to ask for permission. Normally, that was as close to lese majesty as made no difference. Today, General Dornberger said not a word.

“They are serious!” Vyacheslav Molotov sounded indignant. That, in its own way, was a prodigy. Andrei Gromyko knew as much. His shaggy eyebrows twitched in astonishment. Molotov was so agitated, he hardly noticed. “The Germans are serious, I tell you, Andrei Andreyevich.”

“So it would seem,” the foreign commissar answered. “You already told them we wanted no part of this madness. Past that, what can we do?”

“Prepare as best we can to have the western regions of the Soviet Union devastated by radioactive fallout,” Molotov answered. “Past that, we can do nothing. We are one of the four greatest powers on the face of the Earth and above it, and we can do nothing. Against stupidity the very gods themselves contend in vain.”

From a convinced Marxist-Leninist, that was almost blasphemy. It was also a telling measure of Molotov’s agitation, perhaps even more telling than raising his voice. Gromyko understood as much. Nodding, he commented, “And it was a German who said those words. He knew his people all too well.”

“Was it?” Molotov had long since forgotten the source of the quotation. “Well, whoever it was, we are about to watch all of Europe west of our border go into the fire, and the only thing we can do is stand back and watch.”

Gromyko lit a cigarette. After a couple of meditative drags, he said, “We could go in on the side of the Reich. That is the only action we have available to us. The Lizards will not want our assistance.”

“No, we would only ruin ourselves by joining the Germans. I can see that,” Molotov said. “But, damn it, we need the Reich. Can you imagine me saying such a thing? I can hardly imagine it, but it’s true. We need every single counterbalance to the Lizards we can find. Without the Nazis, mankind is weaker.” He grimaced, hating the words.

“I agree with you, Vyacheslav Mikhailovich,” Gromyko said. “Unfortunately.”

“Yes, unfortunately,” Molotov said. “I have sent certain operatives into Poland, to give us contacts with the human groups there. I do not know how much good that will do, or whether it can do anything to minimize the destruction war will bring, but I am making the effort.” He had control of himself again. He hated giving way to alarm, but there was so much about which to be alarmed here.

“Let us hope it will help.” Gromyko didn’t sound as if he thought it would. Molotov didn’t really think it would, either, but David Nussboym had volunteered for the mission, and Molotov let him go. He owed Nussboym a debt; without the Jewish NKVD man, Beria would surely have liquidated him before Marshal Zhukov put paid to the spymaster’s coup.

And, if the worst did happen in Poland, odds were that Nussboym wouldn’t come back to claim any more payments on that debt. Molotov made such calculations almost without conscious thought.

Gromyko said, “The Americans are concerned about this crisis, too. Do you suppose President Warren can get the Germans to see reason? The Nazis do not automatically hate and disbelieve the United States, as they do with us.”

“I have had consultations with the American ambassador, but they were less satisfactory than I would have liked,” Molotov answered. “I could be wrong, but I have the feeling the USA would not be sorry to see the Reich removed from the scene. The Americans, of course, would suffer far less incidental damage from a conflict over Poland than would we.”

“They are shortsighted, though. Having the Reich on the board strengthens all of humanity, as you said, Comrade General Secretary.” Gromyko was not going to contradict his boss. Molotov remembered trembling when he’d had to try to steer Stalin away from a course whose danger was obvious to everyone but the Great Leader. Molotov knew he wasn’t so frightful as Stalin had been, but even so… His foreign commissar sighed. “I don’t suppose they would be Americans if they were not shortsighted.”

“They also would not be Americans if they did not seek to profit from others’ misfortunes,” Molotov said. “Before the Lizards came, they were happy enough to send us aid against the Nazis, but how many soldiers in American uniform did you see? None. We did the dying for them.” As Stalin had, he remembered that, remembered and resented it. Like Stalin, he’d been unable to avenge it.

Gromyko said, “If the Americans will not act, if the Nazis will not heed us, what about the Lizards themselves? Have they not warned the Reich of the dangers inherent in its provocative course?”

“I am given to understand that they have,” Molotov said. “But telling a German something and getting him to listen are two quite different things.” He drummed his fingers on the polished wood desktop in front of him. “Do you suppose we might be able to suggest ways in which the Race might gain the Nazis’ attention?”

“I don’t know,” Gromyko answered. “But at this point, what have we got to lose?”

Molotov considered. “Nothing whatever. We might even worm our way into the good graces of the Race. A good suggestion, if I say so myself. I shall arrange a meeting with Queek.”

The ease with which he arranged the meeting told him the Lizards were grasping at straws, too. And the Polish interpreter for the Race’s ambassador to the Soviet Union showed none of his usual toploftiness. Plainly, he was worried about what might happen to his homeland.

Queek gave forth with a series of hisses and pops and coughs. The interpreter turned them into rhythmic, Polish-accented Russian: “The ambassador says he is grateful for your good offices, Comrade General Secretary, and welcomes any suggestions you have on how to keep this crisis from hatching into full-scale conflict.”

“Tell him that the best way to make sure the Germans do not attack is to convince them they have no hope of winning,” Molotov answered. “They do respect strength, if nothing else.”

“That is not apparent in the present situation,” Queek said. “We have repeatedly warned them what will happen if they attack Poland. They cannot help but know the strength at our command. And yet, to all appearances, they continue preparations to attack. I am baffled. The Race is baffled. If the Reich breaks the truce that has held so long, we shall not be gentle.”

“I understand.” Had Molotov been in Queek’s position, he would have said the same thing. But he wasn’t, and he didn’t like the position he was in. He went on, “My own concern is not least related to the damage a conflict over Poland will cause to the peace-loving people of the Soviet Union, who do not deserve to be sacrificed because of the folly of others.”

Queek shrugged as if he were a man. “I am not responsible for the geography of Tosev 3,” he said. “If your not-empire does not provoke us, we shall do it no direct harm. What we need to do to defeat and punish the Reich, however, that, I assure you, we shall do.”

Again, Molotov might have said the same thing in the same position. Again, he didn’t like hearing it. He cast about for ways to head off the catastrophe he saw looming ahead. Here, he did not feel the dialectic was operating on his side. The dialectic… He didn’t smile, but he felt like it. “Your ambassador in Nuremberg might tell the Germans that we hope they do attack Poland, because we expect to profit from their overthrow at your hands.”