When all things were properly settled at this place, we resolved to chastise the people of Cimatan who had slain two of the party with which I had been deputed to them, as formerly mentioned near the beginning of this section. In our way to that place, we had to march through a district named Tapelola, which was so very rugged that our horses were unable to proceed until the roads were cleared for them, which was immediately done on application to the caciques. We continued our march by the districts of Silo, Suchiapa, and Coyumelapa, to those of Tecomayatacal and Ateapan; the chief town of which was extensive, closely built, and very populous. This place belonged to my encomienda. Near this town there was a large and deep river which it was necessary for us to pass, where we were opposed by the people of the vicinity with so much vigour that we had six soldiers wounded and three of our horses killed; but we put them to flight, and they withdrew into the woods and mountains, after setting fire to their town. We remained here five days, taking care of our wounded men; and as we had taken many of the women of this district, some of them were sent out to invite the natives to return and submit, with which they complied. Godoy was averse from the lenity shewn on this occasion, and insisted that these people ought to be punished for their revolt, or at least made to pay for the horses which they had slain. I happened to be of a different opinion; and as I spoke freely, Godoy became enraged and used very angry words, which I retorted. At length we proceeded to blows and drew our swords; and if we had not been parted one or other of us must have been killed, we were both so much enraged. Even as it was, several cuts were given and received on both sides, before we were separated. Marin was a good man and of a mild disposition, so that he restored every thing to these deluded people and left them in peace.

We continued our march through the other districts of Cimatlan and Talatiopan, where we were attacked by a numerous body of archers, by whom above twenty of our soldiers were wounded and two horses killed; but we very soon defeated them. These people were the most powerful archers I had yet seen, as they were able to drive their arrows through two suits of well quilted cotton armour; and their country is mostly composed of a marsh which quakes under foot. It was in vain therefore to think of pursuing the natives in such an impracticable country; and as they treated all our offers of peace with contempt, we judged it best to return to our colony of Coatzacualco; which we did through the districts of Guimango, Nacaxa, Xuica, Teotitlan, Copilco, and some others which I do not remember the names of, to Ulapa, and thence across the rivers Agaqualulco and Tonala to Coatzacualco, where the slain horses were paid for at the rate of a penny the pound.

In the year 1521, the holy father Adrian de Lobayana, succeeded to the papacy, he being then governor of Castille and resident in the city of Vittoria, where our agents waited upon him to kiss the foot of his holiness. About the same time a great nobleman, named M. de la Soa, arrived from Germany, who was chamberlain to our emperor, and was sent by him to congratulate the new pope on his election. When this nobleman was informed of the heroic deeds of the conquerors of Mexico, and the great things they had performed for the extension of the holy faith, by the conversion and baptism of such myriads of Indians, he became interested in our behalf, and made application to his holiness to expedite the business of our agents. This was readily acceded to, as besides the allegations of our agents, the pope had received other complaints against the bishop of Burgos from persons of quality and honour. Our chief agents on this occasion were Francisco de Montejo, Diego de Ordas, Francisco Nunez cousin to our general, and his father Martin Cortes; who were countenanced by many powerful noblemen, and chiefly by the Duke of Bejar. Thus supported, they brought forward their charges against the bishop to good purpose. These were, that Velasquez had bribed the bishop by the gift of a considerable district in Cuba, the natives of which were made to work in the gold mines for his emolument, to the manifest injury of the royal revenue. That when, in 1517, 110 of us had sailed at our own expence under the command of Hernandez de Cordova for the discovery of New Spain, the bishop had falsely informed his majesty that it was done by Velasquez. That Velasquez had transmitted 20,000 crowns in gold, which had been procured by his nephew Juan de Grijalva on our second voyage, all of which was given to the bishop, and no part of it to his majesty to whom it belonged. That when Cortes sent home a large contribution in gold to his majesty, the bishop had suppressed our letters, substituting others, and ascribed the present to Velasquez, retaining half of the treasure to his own use; and, when Puertocarrera applied to him for permission to wait upon his majesty, the bishop had thrown him into prison, where he died. That the bishop had forbidden the officers of the Casa de contratation of Seville to give any assistance to Cortes, by which the public service had suffered manifest injury. That he had appointed very unfit persons to the military command in New Spain, as was particularly the case with regard to Christoval de Tapia, to whom he had given a commission as governor of New Spain, in order to bring about a marriage between his niece and Tapia. That he had given authenticity to the false accounts transmitted by the agents of Velasquez, suppressing the true relations which came from Cortes. There were many other charges against the bishop which he could not gainsay, as they were all substantiated by good evidence.

All these things being made clear to his holiness, he was pleased to order, that the bishop should have no longer any authority in regard to the affairs of New Spain, of which the government should be conferred on Cortes, and that Velasquez should be remunerated for all the expences he had incurred on account of the expedition, which he could duly substantiate. His holiness sent also to New Spain, a great number of indulgences for the hospitals and churches, and recommended to Cortes and the other conquerors to pay unremitting attention to the conversion of the Indians, and was pleased to send us his holy bulls of absolution. His majesty graciously confirmed all these orders of the pope, ordering Velasquez to be deprived of the government of Cuba, on account of having sent the expedition under Narvaez, in defiance of peremptory orders to the contrary from the royal audience of St Domingo, and the Jeronymite brethren. The bishop was so much affected by his disgrace on this occasion, that he fell dangerously ill.

About this time, Panfilo de Narvaez and Christoval de Tapia arrived in Spain, together with the pilot Umbria and Cardenas, who by the instigation of the bishop of Burgos, preferred many severe accusations against Cortes to his majesty, in which they were gladly joined by the agents of Velasquez. They alleged, that Velasquez had fitted out three several expeditions for New Spain at vast expence, the last of which he had confided to Cortes, who broke his engagements and converted the armament to his own advantage. That when Velasquez sent Narvaez as governor of New Spain, with his majesties commission, Cortes made war upon him, defeated him and made him a prisoner. That when the bishop of Burgos sent Tapia to take the command of New Spain in the name of his majesty, Cortes refused obedience, and compelled him to re-embark. They also accused Cortes of having embezzled a great quantity of gold which he had obtained for his majesty; of taking a fifth of all the plunder to his own use; of having tortured Guatimotzin; of defrauding the soldiers of their shares; of making the natives of Mexico construct for his use magnificent palaces and castles as large as villages; of having poisoned Francisco de Garay, in order to get possession of his ships and troops, and many other charges of a similar nature. By command of his majesty, a court of inquiry was appointed from the privy council, to hear and determine upon these allegations, before which the following answers were given in. That Cordova was the real discoverer of New Spain, which had been done by him and his companions at their own cost. That although Velasquez had sent Juan de Grijalva on an expedition to New Spain, it was only for the purpose of trade, and not of colonization. That the principal charges had been expended by the different captains, and not by Velasquez, who had received the chief part of 20,000 crowns which these captains had collected. That Velasquez gave Indians in Cuba to the bishop of Burgos to collect gold for him, which ought to have belonged to his majesty. That although it was true Velasquez had sent Cortes to New Spain, his orders were only to barter; and the establishment he had made was entirely owing to the representations of his companions for the service of God and his majesty, and in no respect due to the instructions of Velasquez. That it was well known to all, that Cortes had reported the whole of his proceedings to his majesty, to whom he and his companions sent all the gold they could procure, waiting his majesties ultimate orders in the utmost humility; whereas the bishop of Burgos suppressed his letters, and appropriated the gold to his own use, concealing our meritorious services from his majesty, preventing our agents from gaining access to the emperor, and even throwing one of them into prison, where he died; and that he prevented the royal officers from supplying us with such things as we needed, by which our enterprize had been much retarded. That all these things had been done by the bishop from corrupt motives, that he might give the government of Mexico to Velasquez or Tapia, in order that one of them might marry his niece Donna Petronilla de Fonseca, being anxious to make his son-in-law governor of that splendid kingdom. As for the expedition of Narvaez, our agents contended that Velasquez ought to suffer death for having sent it in direct disobedience of his majesties orders as communicated by the royal audience; and that he had behaved with high disrespect to his majesty, in making his application to the bishop of Burgos on this occasion. In support of all these accusations they offered to bring substantial proofs, and prayed the court to award punishment for these multiplied offences.